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Levensbeschrijving van de Nederlandse psycholoog (1939-1998), die bekendheid verwierf vanwege zijn talrijke populair-wetenschappelijke publicaties en optreden in de media.

Traces the life and career of the controversial British philosopher and pacifist and describes his contribution to mathematics, philosophy, and the anti-nuclear movement

An international manager has a tough job, coping with three different cultures: the culture of origin, the culture in which he or she is working and the culture of the organization. Fons Trompenaars has been studing the effects of culture on management for many years and he profoundly disagrees with the widely held theory that internationalization will create a common, worldwide culture. In this challenging book he claims that there is not, and can never be 'one best way of managing and organizing' regardless of where the company is located. RIDING THE WAVES OF CULTURE provides cultural insights into the global v. local dilema, and most importantly, gives readers a better understanding of their own culture and cultural differences in general Rich in case studies and anecdotes, the book is based upon the author's own experience plus field studies in 30 companies in a total of 50 countries, including Royal Dutch Airlines, KLM, Volvo, Lotus, Kodak, AT&T, Royal Dutch Shell, ICI, Heineken, Mars and Glaxo.

For more than a year, Christopher Darden argued passionately and tirelessly, giving voice to the victims in the O. J. Simpson murder trial. But few people knew that he was fighting a deeper, more insidious battle - against racism that came from all sides. When the case was over and O. J. Simpson was set free, the disheartened prosecutor bore the anguish and disillusionment of millions of Americans. He also carried wounds that perhaps no other black person has ever felt as deeply. Now, out of the sensational frenzy of the "trial of the century" comes a haunting and poignant memoir of duty, justice, and the constant, powerful undertow of American bigotry. Christopher Darden's In Contempt is an unflinching look at a justice system kidnapped by a racist cop, shameless defense lawyers, a starstruck judge, and a dysfunctional jury. It shows what the television cameras couldn't: behind-the-scenes meetings where Darden tried to determine whether detective Mark Fuhrman was telling the truth about his racist views; deteriorating relationships between the defense and prosecution teams, with taunting, baiting, and a pushing match between Darden and Simpson; and a judge who let the case get out of control while he collected hourglasses from fans and invited celebrities into his chambers. Darden is stunningly candid about his own performance - including the brash decision to put the gloves on Simpson - and details the inner workings of the largest prosecution team in California history. He also recounts the strong relationship forged between himself and Marcia Clark, who was exhausted by the pressures of a bitter ex-husband and demeaning treatment from other lawyers and the judge.

Toneelstuk in twee bedrijven

Toneelstuk in twee bedrijven, ontmoeting tussen Vita Sackville-West en Virginia Woolf

MV 24, MV 25, MV 26 en MV27

Verhalen over zeer buitenissige mensen.

Een verwende jongeman die zijn veel oudere minnares heeft verlaten omdat zij te oud werd, merkt dat hij toch niet zonder haar kan leven.

This volume, simultaneously published in Russian and English, demonstrates that an American and a Russian of different views can engage in civil and informative discussion of their different and common problems. In the summer of 1987, Galbraith and Menshikov, of World Marxist Review met for 10 days in Vermont. This volume records their discussions, which cover the history and development of the socialist economy and of capitalism, the economic problems of the two systems, the impact of technological revolution on them, and glasnost and Reaganomics. Other topics include: the military spinoffs of space research, arms sales to the Third World, Keynesian follies, cultural and diplomatic cooperation, human rights, and the dangers of a nuclear holocaust. These discussions point the way toward more peaceful and enlightened relations between the two countries. ISBN 0-395-47316-0: $17.95.

This collection of essays by some of the world's leading authorities on Islamic social history focuses on the juridical and cultural oppression of non-Muslims in Islamic societies. 

From the Publisher: Thomas L. Friedman's No. 1 bestseller The World Is Flat has helped millions of readers to see the world, and globalization, in a new way. With his latest book, Friedman brings a fresh and provocative outlook to another pressing issue: the interlinked crises of destabilizing climate change and rising competition for energy-both of which could poison our world if we do not act quickly and collectively. His argument speaks to the 2008 presidential election-and to all of us who are concerned about the state of America and its role in the global future. "Green is the new red, white, and blue," Friedman declares, and proposes that an ambitious national strategy-which he calls geo-greenism-is not only what we need to save the planet from overheating, it is what we need to make America healthier, richer, more innovative, more productive, and more secure in the coming E C E-the Energy-Climate Era. Green-oriented practices and technologies, established at scale everywhere from Washington to Wal-Mart, are both the only way to mitigate climate change and the best way for America to "get its groove back"-to "reknit America at home, reconnect America abroad, retool America for the new century, and restore America to its natural place in the global order." As in The World Is Flat and his previous bestseller The Lexus and the Olive Tree, he explains the future we are facing through an illuminating account of recent events. He explains how 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, and the flattening of the world by the Internet, which has brought three billion new consumers onto the world stage, have combined to bring the climate and energy issues to main street. But they have not really gone down main street yet. Indeed, it is Friedman's view that we are not really having the green revolution that the press keeps touting, or, if we are, "it is the only revolution in history," he says, "where no one got hurt." No, to the contrary, argues Friedman, we're actually having a "green party." We have not even begun to be serious yet about the speed and scale of change that is required. With all that in mind, Friedman lays out his argument that if we are going to avoid the worst disruptions looming before us as we enter the Energy-Climate Era, we are going to need several disruptive breakthroughs in the clean-technology sphere-disruptive in the transformational sense. He explores what enabled the disruptive breakthroughs that created the IT (Information Technology) revolution that flattened the world in information terms and then shows how a similar set of disruptive breakthroughs could spark the ET-Energy Technology-revolution. Time and again, though, Friedman shows why it is both necessary and desirous for America to lead this revolution-with the first green president, a green New Deal, and spurred by the Greenest Generation-and why meeting the green challenge of the twenty-first century could transform America every bit as meeting the Red challenge, that of Communism, did in the twentieth century. Hot, Flat, and Crowded is classic Thomas L Friedman-fearless, incisive, forward-looking, and rich in surprising common sense about the world we live in today.

The End of Iraq, definitive, tough-minded, clear-eyed, describes America's failed strategy toward that country and what must be done now. The United States invaded Iraq with grand ambitions to bring it democracy and thereby transform the Middle East. Instead, Iraq has disintegrated into three constituent components: a pro-western Kurdistan in the north, an Iran-dominated Shiite entity in the south, and a chaotic Sunni Arab region in the center. The country is plagued by insurgency and is in the opening phases of a potentially catastrophic civil war. George W. Bush broke up Iraq when he ordered its invasion in 2003. The United States not only removed Saddam Hussein, it also smashed and later dissolved the institutions by which Iraq's Sunni Arab minority ruled the country: its army, its security services, and the Baath Party. With these institutions gone and irreplaceable, the basis of an Iraqi state has disappeared. The End of Iraq describes the administration's strategic miscalculations behind the war as well as the blunders of the American occupation. There was the failure to understand the intensity of the ethnic and religious divisions in Iraq. This was followed by incoherent and inconsistent strategies for governing, the failure to spend money for reconstruction, the misguided effort to create a national army and police, and then the turning over of the country's management to Republican political loyalists rather than qualified professionals. As a matter of morality, Galbraith writes, the Kurds of Iraq are no less entitled to independence than are Lithuanians, Croatians, orPalestinians. And if the country's majority Shiites want to run their own affairs, or even have their own state, on what democratic principle should they be denied? If the price of a unified Iraq is another dictatorship, Galbraith writes in The End of Iraq, it is too high a price to pay. The United States must focus now, not on preserving or forging a unified Iraq, but on avoiding a spreading and increasingly dangerous and deadly civil war. It must accept the reality of Iraq's breakup and work with Iraq's Shiites, Kurds, and Sunni Arabs to strengthen the already semi-independent regions. If they are properly constituted, these regions can provide security, though not all will be democratic. There is no easy exit from Iraq for America. We have to relinquish our present strategy -- trying to build national institutions when there is in fact no nation. That effort is doomed, Galbraith argues, and it will only leave the United States with an open-ended commitment in circumstances of uncontrollable turmoil. Peter Galbraith has been in Iraq many times over the last twenty-one years during historic turning points for the country: the Iran-Iraq War, the Kurdish genocide, the 1991 uprising, the immediate aftermath of the 2003 war, and the writing of Iraq's constitutions. In The End of Iraq, he offers many firsthand observations of the men who are now Iraq's leaders. He draws on his nearly two decades of involvement in Iraq policy working for the U.S. government to appraise what has occurred and what will happen. The End of Iraq is the definitive account of this war and itsramifications.

The global war on terror is not just a military conflict but a war of ideas. Indeed it is in some respects primarily an ideological struggle. Yet it is a war we cannot win without a broader understanding of al-Qaeda's goals and motives.

Bundeling van drie romans waarin Suriname en diverse vormen van geweld centraal staan. Gewaagd leven, Lijken op liefde EN Was getekend.