James Piereson examines the bizarre aftermath of John F. Kennedy's assassination: Why in the years after the assassination did the American Left become preoccupied with conspiratorial thinking? How and why was Kennedy transformed in death into a liberal icon and a martyr for civil rights? In what way was the assassination linked to the collapse of mid-century liberalism, a doctrine which until 1963 was the reigning philosophy of the nation?

A landmark manifesto issuing a bold call for a one-state solution to the Israeli-Palestine conflict.
 
The reigning consensus in elite and academic circles is that the United States must seek to resolve the Palestinians' conflict with Israel by implementing the so-called two-state solution. Establishing a Palestinian state, so the thinking goes, would be a panacea for all the region’s ills. In a time of partisan gridlock, the two-state solution stands out for its ability to attract supporters from both sides of America's ideological divide. But the great irony is that it is one of the most irrational and failed policies the United States has ever adopted.

Between 1970 and 2013, the United States presented nine different peace plans for Israel and the Palestinians, and for the past twenty years, the two state solution has been the centerpiece of U.S. Middle East policy. But despite this laser focus, American efforts to implement a two-state peace deal have failed—and with each new attempt, the Middle East has become less stable, more violent, more radicalized, and more inimical to democratic values and interests. 

     In The Israeli Solution, Caroline Glick, senior contributing editor to the Jerusalem Post, examines the history and misconceptions behind the two-state policy, most notably:

- The huge errors made in counting the actual numbers of Jews and Arabs in the region. The 1997 Palestinian Census, upon which most two-state policy is based, wildly exaggerated the numbers of Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza.

- Neglect of the long history of Palestinian anti-Semitism, refusal to negotiate in good faith, terrorism, and denial of Israel’s right to exist.

- Disregard for Israel’s stronger claims to territorial sovereignty under international law, as well as the long history of Jewish presence in the region.

- Indifference to polling data that shows the Palestinian people admire Israeli society and governance. Despite a half-century of domestic and international terrorism, anti-semitism, and military attacks from regional neighbors who reject its right to exist, Israel has thrived as the Middle East’s lone democracy.
 
After a century spent chasing a two-state policy that hasn’t brought the Israelis and Palestinians any closer to peace, The Israeli Solution offers an alternative path to stability in the Middle East based on Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria.

David Mamet has been a controversial, defining force in nearly every creative endeavor-now he turns his attention to politics.

In recent years, David Mamet realized that the so-called mainstream media outlets he relied on were irredeemably biased, peddling a hypocritical and deeply flawed worldview.

In 2008 Mamet wrote a hugely controversial op-ed for the Village Voice, "Why I Am No Longer a 'Brain-Dead Liberal'", in which he methodically attacked liberal beliefs, eviscerating them as efficiently as he did Method acting in his bestselling book True and False.

Now Mamet employs his trademark intellectual force and vigor to take on all the key political issues of our times, from religion to political correctness to global warming. The legendary playwright, author, director, and filmmaker pulls no punches in his art or in his politics. And as a former liberal who woke up, Mamet will win over an entirely new audience of others who have grown irate over America's current direction.

When Eve and the New Jerusalem was first published over thirty years ago, it was received as a political intervention as well as a landmark historical work. Barbara Taylor became the first woman to win the Isaac Deutscher Memorial Prize, and the book went on to become a feminist classic. As women across the globe find themselves at the sharp end of neoliberal 'austerity' programmes, discriminatory social policies and fundamentalist misogyny, Eve and the New Jerusalem is as essential as it ever was. Book jacket.

“Fascists,” “Brownshirts,” “jackbooted stormtroopers”—such are the insults typically hurled at conservatives by their liberal opponents. Calling someone a fascist is the fastest way to shut them up, defining their views as beyond the political pale. But who are the real fascists in our midst?

Liberal Fascism offers a startling new perspective on the theories and practices that define fascist politics. Replacing conveniently manufactured myths with surprising and enlightening research, Jonah Goldberg reminds us that the original fascists were really on the left, and that liberals from Woodrow Wilson to FDR to Hillary Clinton have advocated policies and principles remarkably similar to those of Hitler's National Socialism and Mussolini's Fascism.

Contrary to what most people think, the Nazis were ardent socialists (hence the term “National socialism”). They believed in free health care and guaranteed jobs. They confiscated inherited wealth and spent vast sums on public education. They purged the church from public policy, promoted a new form of pagan spirituality, and inserted the authority of the state into every nook and cranny of daily life. The Nazis declared war on smoking, supported abortion, euthanasia, and gun control. They loathed the free market, provided generous pensions for the elderly, and maintained a strict racial quota system in their universities—where campus speech codes were all the rage. The Nazis led the world in organic farming and alternative medicine. Hitler was a strict vegetarian, and Himmler was an animal rights activist.

Do these striking parallels mean that today’s liberals are genocidal maniacs, intent on conquering the world and imposing a new racial order? Not at all. Yet it is hard to deny that modern progressivism and classical fascism shared the same intellectual roots. We often forget, for example, that Mussolini and Hitler had many admirers in the United States. W.E.B. Du Bois was inspired by Hitler's Germany, and Irving Berlin praised Mussolini in song. Many fascist tenets were espoused by American progressives like John Dewey and Woodrow Wilson, and FDR incorporated fascist policies in the New Deal.

Fascism was an international movement that appeared in different forms in different countries, depending on the vagaries of national culture and temperament. In Germany, fascism appeared as genocidal racist nationalism. In America, it took a “friendlier,” more liberal form. The modern heirs of this “friendly fascist” tradition include the New York Times, the Democratic Party, the Ivy League professoriate, and the liberals of Hollywood. The quintessential Liberal Fascist isn't an SS storm trooper; it is a female grade school teacher with an education degree from Brown or Swarthmore.

These assertions may sound strange to modern ears, but that is because we have forgotten what fascism is. In this angry, funny, smart, contentious book, Jonah Goldberg turns our preconceptions inside out and shows us the true meaning of Liberal Fascism.

Why is it that so many efforts by liberals to lift the black underclass not only fail, but often harm the intended beneficiaries?

In Please Stop Helping Us, Jason L. Riley examines how well-intentioned welfare programs are in fact holding black Americans back. Minimum-wage laws may lift earnings for people who are already employed, but they price a disproportionate number of blacks out of the labor force. Affirmative action in higher education is intended to address past discrimination, but the result is fewer black college graduates than would otherwise exist. And so it goes with everything from soft-on-crime laws, which make black neighborhoods more dangerous, to policies that limit school choice out of a mistaken belief that charter schools and voucher programs harm the traditional public schools that most low-income students attend.

In theory these efforts are intended to help the poor--and poor minorities in particular. In practice they become massive barriers to moving forward.

Please Stop Helping Us lays bare these counterproductive results. People of goodwill want to see more black socioeconomic advancement, but in too many instances the current methods and approaches aren't working. Acknowledging this is an important first step.

The first fundamental truth about the "Arab Spring" is that there never was one. The salient fact of the Middle East, the only one, is Islam. The Islam that shapes the Middle East inculcates in Muslims the self-perception that they are members of a civilization implacably hostile to the West. The United States is a competitor to be overcome, not the herald of a culture to be embraced.

Is this self-perception based on objective truth? Does it reflect an accurate construction of Islam? It is over these questions that American officials and Western intellectuals obsess. Yet the questions are irrelevant. This is not a matter of right or wrong, of some posture or policy whose subtle tweaking or outright reversal would change the facts on the ground. This is simply, starkly, the way it is.

Every human heart does not yearn for freedom. In the Islam of the Middle East, "freedom" means something very nearly the opposite of what the concept connotes to Westerners – it is the freedom that lies in total submission to Allah and His law. That law, sharia, is diametrically opposed to core components of freedom as understood in the West – beginning with the very idea that man is free to make law for himself, irrespective of what Allah has ordained. It is thus delusional to believe, as the West's Arab Spring fable insists, that the region teems with Jamal al-Madisons holding aloft the lamp of liberty. Do such revolutionary reformers exist? Of course they do . . . but in numbers barely enough to weave a fictional cover story. When push came to shove – and worse – the reformers were overwhelmed, swept away by a tide of Islamic supremacism, the dynamic, consequential mass movement that beckons endless winter.

That is the real story of the Arab Spring – that, and the Pandora's Box that opens when an American administration aligns with that movement, whose stated goal is to destroy America.

Het wordt steeds duidelijker dat er bij het ouder worden allerlei veranderingen optreden in de hersenen. Er is niet alleen sprake van verlies maar ook van ontwikkeling van hersenen en vaardigheden. Het is van groot belang dat we oog krijgen voor deze specifieke fase in een mensenleven, zodat we de winst ervan ten volle kunnen benutten en eventuele nadelen kunnen compenseren. In Het 50+ brein combineert Margriet Sitskoorn nieuwe wetenschappelijke inzichten over de ouder wordende hersenen met eerder in haar boek Lang leven de hersenen beschreven kennis. Zij koppelt deze inzichten aan de hedendaagse maatschappij van langer doorwerken, digitalisering, steeds meer zelf moeten doen en zo lang mogelijk genieten.Naast de meest recente wetenschappelijke kennis bevat Het 50+ brein ook een programma om zelf vitaal ouder worden te bevorderen, en tips voor het breed toepassen van alle kennis in zowel privé- als werksituaties.Dit boek is actueler dan ooit, want met de kennis van het 50+ brein kunnen we onbenutte mogelijkheden gebruiken, dogma's doorbreken en de kwaliteit van werk en leven van velen verbeteren.Margriet Sitskoorn is hoogleraar klinische neuropsychologie aan Tilburg University en BIG-geregistreerd klinisch neuropsycholoog. Naast haar wetenschappelijke werk publiceert zij in verschillende bladen, is zij een graag geziene gast bij tv-programma's en een veelgevraagd (internationaal) spreker.

1977 startete die RAF ihre "Offensive 77", wurde in Paris das Centre Pompidou eröffnet, in Kalifornien der Apple II lanciert - und das Internet erfunden. Was bedeuten diese merkwürdigen Gleichzeitigkeiten? Warum sprach zur selben Zeit Jimmy Carter von den "human rights", sprachen schwarze Aktivistinnen von "identity politics", Esoteriker vom "New Age" und Architektinnen von "symbolischen Formen"? Warum gleichzeitig Punk, Disco und Hip-Hop? Und warum sagte Michel Foucault 1977: "Wir müssen ganz von vorne beginnen"? Philipp Sarasin untersucht in seinem Buch die Linien, Muster und Ähnlichkeiten, die diese und andere Ereignisse des Jahres 1977 miteinander verbinden - und er erzählt davon, wie der Glaube an ein gemeinsames Allgemeines, der die Moderne formte, zu zerbröckeln begann. "Der Tod Ludwig Erhards, die "Offensive 77" der RAF und die Erfindung des Internets - alles Ereignisse aus dem Jahr 1977. Gibt es eine Verbindung? Durchaus, findet der Schweizer Historiker Philipp Sarasin. Allesamt Indizien für einen Epochenwandel. 1977 ist demnach der Moment, in dem die Moderne endet - und etwas Neues in die Welt tritt. Darunter: die Identitätspolitik" (Platz 7 der Sachbuchbestenliste September 2021)

Sinds jaar en dag heeft niet alleen de waarheid, maar ook de leugen een grote invloed op de wereld om ons heen. Van vervalsingen die eeuwenlang conflicten en onderdrukking veroorzaakten, zoals de vervalste Schenking van Constantijn en het mysterieuze testament van Peter de Grote, tot politieke en publicitaire doofpotten als een Pulitzerprijswinnende bagatellisering van de hongersnood in Oekraïne en de verhullingen die leidden tot de ramp in Tsjernobyl: Natasha Tidd laat ons zien hoe leugens de wereld om ons heen hebben gevormd. In **Een kleine wereldgeschiedenis in 50 leugens** neemt Tidd ons mee langs de invloedrijkste leugens uit de geschiedenis. Ze laat ons zien hoe fictie in feit kan veranderen en dat de waarheid vaak merkwaardiger en gevaarlijker kan zijn dan welke leugen ook.

Now with a new foreword by Patrick J. Deneen.

Jean Bethke Elshtain brings Augustine's thought into the contemporary political arena and presents an Augustine who created a complex moral map that offers space for loyalty, love, and care, as well as a chastened form of civic virtue. The result is a controversial book about one of the world's greatest and most complex thinkers whose thought continues to haunt all of Western political philosophy. What is our business "within this common mortal life?" Augustine asks and bids us to ask ourselves. What can Augustine possibly have to say about the conditions that characterize our contemporary society and appear to put democracy in crisis? Who is Augustine for us now and what do his words have to do with political theory? These are the underlying questions that animate Jean Bethke Elshtain's fascinating engagement with the thought and work of Augustine, the ancient thinker who gave no political theory per se and refused to offer up a positive utopia. In exploring the questions, Why Augustine, why now?

Elshtain argues that Augustine's great works display a canny and scrupulous attunement to the here and now and the very real limits therein. She discusses other aspects of Augustine's thought as well, including his insistence that no human city can be modeled on the heavenly city, and further elaborates on Hannah Arendt's deep indebtedness to Augustine's understanding of evil. Elshtain also presents Augustine's arguments against the pridefulness of philosophy, thereby linking him to later currents in modern thought, including Wittgenstein and Freud.

X91;Als ik morgen niet op transport ga, ga ik s avonds naar de revue, schreef verpleegster Mania Krell in haar brief uit Westerbork. Westerbork, het grootste doorgangskamp voor Joden in Nederland in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, was kamp en dorp ineen. Kinderen konden er in de regel naar school, hun ouders gingen naar het werk, er was vertier zoals de revue. Tegelijkertijd werden er gedurende tweeënhalf jaar meer dan honderdduizend mensen naar de concentratie- en vernietigingskampen in het oosten gedeporteerd. In dit boek baseert Eva Moraal zich vooral op de geïnterneerden zelf: mannen en vrouwen, kinderen en volwassenen, Nederlandse en Duitse Joden schreven over hun ervaringen in het kamp in brieven, dagboeken en memoires. Zo rijst er een indringend beeld op van het dagelijks leven in kamp Westerbork.

The Glorious Revolution of 1688-9 was a decisive moment in England's history; an invading Dutch army forced James II to flee to France, and his son-in-law and daughter, William and Mary, were crowned as joint sovereigns. The wider consequences were no less startling: bloody war in Ireland, Union with Scotland, Jacobite intrigue, deep involvement in two major European wars, Britain's emergence as a great power, a 'financial revolution', greater religious toleration, a riven Church, and a startling growth of parliamentary government. Such changes were only part of the transformation of English society at the time. An enriching torrent of new ideas from the likes of Newton, Defoe, and Addison, spread through newspapers, periodicals, and coffee-houses, provided new views and values that some embraced and others loathed. England's horizons were also growing, especially in the Caribbean and American colonies. For many, however, the benefits were uncertain: the slave trade flourished, inequality widened, and the poor and 'disorderly' were increasingly subject to strictures and statutes. If it was an age of prospects it was also one of anxieties.

Beschrijving van de opkomst, het hoogtepunt en de achteruitgang van Nederland als centrum van de wereldhandel tijdens de Gouden Eeuw.

"Johan van Oldenbarnevelt was de grondlegger van de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden. Tientallen jaren speelde hij een hoofdrol op het terrein van de Europese politiek. Zijn executie op 13 mei 1619 op het Binnenhof in Den Haag was een schokkende gebeurtenis. Duidelijk is dat prins Maurits de drijvende kracht achter zijn arrestatie was. In 1623 beraamden Oldenbarnevelts zoons Reinier en Willem een aanslag op de prins, die ternauwernood mislukte. Dat leidde tot de onthoofding van Reinier in Den Haag en een levenslange ballingschap van Willem in Brussel. Prins Maurits leek met de uitschakeling van zijn tegenstanders de eindoverwinnaar van het conflict, maar postuum trok Johan van Oldenbarnevelt aan het langste eind".

"The period from the Peace of Westphalia to the French Revolution lay between bitter religious war and the age of industrialism ad republicanism. The Church in general, reacting strongly against the turbulence of the Civil War and the Thirty Years War, placed a premium on order, moderation and stability. Movements suspected of enthusiasm, such as Puritanism, Quietism and Jansenism, fell into disrepute, and the authority exercised by the state in religious affairs became more pronounced. It was an age dominated by Reason which, until it provoked a reaction in such movements as Pietism and Evangelicalism, posed a formidable challenge to Christianity. Gerald Cragg's elegant and stimulating assessment of this formative period ranges from the Church life of France under Louis XIV to the high noon of rationalism and beyond, and also includes a chapter on Christianity and culture in the Baroque age." -Publisher

Cultuurhistorische studie, waarin de sociale geschiedenis van de kunst in de Italiaanse renaissance centraal staat. In de 15de en 16de eeuw vindt er in de stadstaten van het Italiaanse schiereiland een opmerkelijke culturele bloei plaats, een wedergeboorte, een 'renaissance' van de kunst van de klassieke oudheid. Grote historici als Jules Michelet, Jacob Burckhardt en Johan Huizinga hebben zich sindsdien gebogen over de aard en achtergrond van deze gouden periode uit de Europese geschiedenis. Maar elke generatie historici kiest haar eigen benadering en zoekt een nieuwe invalshoek.

De Britse historicus Peter Burke onderzoekt in zijn inmiddels klassiek geworden studie de relatie van de 'creatieve elite' - de ongeveer zeshonderd kunstenaars en schrijvers die ons beeld van de renaissance hebben gekleurd - tot de maatschappij die hen heeft voortgebracht. Wie waren deze kunstenaars, voor wie maakten zij hun kunstwerken, van wie kregen zij hun opdrachten en welke plaats namen zij in de Italiaanse maatschappij van de 15de en 16de eeuw in?

Met het beantwoorden van deze vragen levert Burke een nieuw, verhelderend beeld van de renaissance en legt hij de complexe relatie tussen kunst en samenleving bloot.

Het boek bij de tentoonstelling van Het Rijks. ‘Slavernij’ brengt tien mensen in beeld die leden onder de slavernij, die ertegen in opstand kwamen en mensen die ervan profiteerden. Wat wist een vrouw die leefde en werkte in slavernij over haar ‘eigenaar’ in de Republiek der Nederlanden? Wat wist een suikerraffinadeur in Amsterdam van de omstandigheden waaronder de ruwe suiker die hij verwerkte, was verbouwd? En wat wist een vrijheidsstrijder op Curaçao van de strijd voor gelijke burgerrechten die in Europa werd gevoerd? Onder Nederlands gezag zijn in de koloniale tijd meer dan een miljoen mannen, vrouwen en kinderen uit Azië en Afrika tot slaaf gemaakt en verscheept naar een voor hen onbekende plek op de wereld. Over hun levens is vaak weinig bekend. Aan de hand van diverse bronnen brengt Slavernij tien personen uit deze periode in beeld: mensen die leden onder het slavernijsysteem, die ertegen in opstand kwamen en mensen die ervan profiteerden. Dit brede palet aan individuele ervaringen laat uiteenlopende facetten van de Nederlandse slavernijgeschiedenis zien en geeft ons een bijzonder inzicht in de maatschappelijke werkelijkheid van toen.

Korte lontjes, wraak, vergelding. Dagelijks komen er nieuwsberichten onze huiskamers binnen waarin de emoties hoog oplopen. Er lijken tegenwoordig geen normen voor emoties meer te bestaan. Het hedendaagse politieke debat als gevolg van het groeiende populisme en de emotie-tv zijn exemplarisch, maar ook heeft het al dan niet publiekelijk laten gelden van emoties de laatste jaren een enorme vlucht genomen: `zinloos geweld op straat, haat-mails aan politici, agressie tegen hulpverleners, maar bijvoorbeeld ook de uitzinnige vreugde over de voetbalprestaties van het Nederlands elftal. Sociaalpsychologe Mariëtte Baanders laat in dit boek zien dat er nog wel degelijk emotienormen bestaan, die vaak per cultuur verschillen. Aan de hand van zowel empirische bevindingen als herkenbare voorbeelden uit de dagelijkse praktijk toont zij daarnaast hoe verstrekkend de gevolgen van die normen zijn voor ons gevoelsleven. Mariëtte Baanders toont op overtuigende wijze aan waarom het belangrijk is dat wij onze oprechte emoties kennen en toelaten voor zowel onszelf als de mensen om ons heen en de mentaliteit in de samenleving om er vervolgens op een constructieve en beheerste manier richting aan te geven.

werortret van de grootvader van de Vlaamse schrijver als soldaat in de Eerste Wereldoorlog en als kunstenaar.

Macaulay, Carlyle, Buckle, Acton, Stubbs, Namier, Tawney, Elton...

Immigration is perhaps the most enduring and elemental leitmotif of America. This book is the most powerful study to date of the politics and policies it has inspired, from the founders' earliest efforts to shape American identity to today's revealing struggles over Third World immigration, noncitizen rights, and illegal aliens. Weaving a robust new theoretical approach into a sweeping history, Daniel Tichenor ties together previous studies' idiosyncratic explanations for particular, pivotal twists and turns of immigration policy. He tells the story of lively political battles between immigration defenders and doubters over time and of the transformative policy regimes they built.

Tichenor takes us from vibrant nineteenth-century politics that propelled expansive European admissions and Chinese exclusion to the draconian restrictions that had taken hold by the 1920s, including racist quotas that later hampered the rescue of Jews from the Holocaust. American global leadership and interest group politics in the decades after World War II, he argues, led to a surprising expansion of immigration opportunities. In the 1990s, a surge of restrictionist fervor spurred the political mobilization of recent immigrants. Richly documented, this pathbreaking work shows that a small number of interlocking temporal processes, not least changing institutional opportunities and constraints, underlie the turning tides of immigration sentiments and policy regimes. Complementing a dynamic narrative with a host of helpful tables and timelines, Dividing Lines is the definitive treatment of a phenomenon that has profoundly shaped the character of American nationhood.

Dertien artikelen en vier oraties van de beroemde historicus Johan Huizinga (1872-1945).

Harry V. Jaffa (1918-2015), one of the profoundest political thinkers of his time, is known most prominently for his pathbreaking work on Abraham Lincoln. Jaffa, who taught for 50 years at the Claremont Colleges and was a Distinguished Fellow of the Claremont Institute, sought to produce a revolution in political philosophy by applying Strauss’s controversial thinking about natural right, Scripture, and human greatness to American politics.

In these 10 essays, beginning in the 1980s, Jaffa rediscovered the moral and intellectual complexity of statesmanship, in particular that of Lincoln and the American founders. The essays reveal the profundity of the Declaration of Independence, in observations both theoretical (e.g., Aristotle and Aquinas) and practical (e.g., campus radicalism). Jaffa takes aim at the interpretations of America made by some of Leo Strauss’s students, chastising their imputation of radically liberal theorizing to the Declaration and their ignorance of the meaning of “all men are created equal.” The Declaration’s radicalism lies rather in its synthesis of ancient political philosophy and Scriptural authority on the good human life. Jaffa is particularly critical of Allan Bloom and, in previously unpublished essays, Irving Kristol and Harvey Mansfield for their errors about America. Jaffa’s essays recover political philosophy in its political and philosophic dimensions so that it can be a continuing guide for our politics today.