Politiek

Persoonlijk relaas door de Turkse schrijver en journalist (1950) over zijn verblijf in de gevangenis als politieke gevangene na de mislukte coup van 2016. Toen op een vroege ochtend in de zomer van 2016 werd aangebeld bij de Turkse journalist en schrijver Ahmet Altan wist hij meteen dat de politie voor de deur stond. Hij en zijn broer Mehmet werden gearresteerd in de nasleep van de mislukte staatsgreep in Turkije. De verdenking: verspreiding van verborgen boodschappen ter aanmoediging van de coupplegers. Begin 2018 werd Altan veroordeeld tot een levenslange gevangenisstraf. De rest van zijn leven zal hij drieëntwintig uur per dag doorbrengen in eenzame opsluiting....

This book is a major critical study of the connections between the 'public' character of television and the various ways it works as communication. John Corner asks fundamental questions about the nature of what appears on the screen and how it variously engages, informs and entertains viewers. After setting out some of the distinctive features of the medium, illustrated by examples, the question of the likely and possible social and political consequences of these features is directly addressed. Chapters on the specific but changing forms of news, documentary and advertising provide a vivid and detailed analysis of some of television's most controversial ways of addressing the viewer as citizen and consumer.

Augustine in the fourth and fifth centuries and Thomas More in the sixteenth were familiar with the deceits and illusions that enabled even the most vile rulers to shore up their dignity and that gave repressive regimes an inviolability of sorts. Both men knew the politics of their times, both were involved in politics, and both were at one time politically ambitious. Augustine needed and made good use of government's powers of coercion and damage control in his struggle against the Donatists. The clear advantages of political protection and correction preoccupied More in his battle against Martin Luther. Both later changed their minds and believed, finally, the political imagination, based as it is on a desire for power, always and inevitably leads to devastation and suffering. Peter Iver Kaufman explains how and why we have failed to appreciate Augustine's and More's profound political pessimism, reintroducing readers to two of the Christian tradition's most enigmatic yet influential figures. Each had been disturbed by the reach of his own political ambitions--as by those of contemporaries. Each knew that government was useful--yet always deceitful. And each wrote a classic--widely read to this day, Augustine's City of God and More's Utopia,as well as abundant correspondence and polemical tracts to explain why government on earth might be used, though never meaningfully improved.

Autobiografische notities van de PvdA-politicus over zijn manisch-depressieve ziekte.

Acclaimed, adrenalin-fuelled manifesto for universal values by 'the most dangerous philosopher in the West.'

In this combative major new work, philosophical sharpshooter Slavoj Zizek looks for the kernel of truth in the totalitarian politics of the past.

Examining Heidegger's seduction by fascism and Foucault's flirtation with the Iranian Revolution, he suggests that these were the 'right steps in the wrong direction.' On the revolutionary terror of Robespierre, Mao and the bolsheviks, Zizek argues that while these struggles ended in historic failure and horror, there was a valuable core of idealism lost beneath the bloodshed.

A redemptive vision has been obscured by the soft, decentralized politics of the liberal-democratic consensus. Faced with the coming ecological crisis, Zizekk argues the case for revolutionary terror and the dictatorship of the proletariat. A return to past ideals is needed despite the risks. In the words of Samuel Beckett: 'Try again. Fail again. Fail better.'

The National Book Award Finalist and New York Times bestseller that became a guide and balm for a country struggling to understand the election of Donald Trump

"A generous but disconcerting look at the Tea Party. . . . This is a smart, respectful and compelling book."
--Jason DeParle, The New York Times Book Review

When Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, a bewildered nation turned to Strangers in Their Own Land to understand what Trump voters were thinking when they cast their ballots. Arlie Hochschild, one of the most influential sociologists of her generation, had spent the preceding five years immersed in the community around Lake Charles, Louisiana, a Tea Party stronghold. As Jedediah Purdy put it in the New Republic, "Hochschild is fascinated by how people make sense of their lives. . . . [Her] attentive, detailed portraits . . . reveal a gulf between Hochchild's 'strangers in their own land' and a new elite." Already a favorite common read book in communities and on campuses across the country and called "humble and important" by David Brooks and "masterly" by Atul Gawande, Hochschild's book has been lauded by Noam Chomsky, New Orleans mayor Mitch Landrieu, and countless others.

The paperback edition features a new afterword by the author reflecting on the election of Donald Trump and the other events that have unfolded both in Louisiana and around the country since the hardcover edition was published, and also includes a readers' group guide at the back of the book.

In mei 1986 vestigt Joop de Uyl een uniek Nederlands record: voor de zevende keer in twintig jaar treedt hij op als PvdA-lijsttrekker vij de tweede kamerverkiezingen.

Persoonlijke beschouwingen over het fascisme in verleden en heden

With new and updated material.

Now, for the first time, Kissinger gives us in a single volume an in-depth, inside view of the Vietnam War, personally collected, annotated, revised, and updated from his bestselling memoirs and his book Diplomacy.

Many other authors have written about what they thought happened—or thought should have happened—in Vietnam, but it was Henry Kissinger who was there at the epicenter, involved in every decision from the long, frustrating negotiations with the North Vietnamese delegation to America's eventual extrication from the war.

Here, Kissinger writes with firm, precise knowledge, supported by meticulous documentation that includes his own memoranda to and replies from President Nixon. He tells about the tragedy of Cambodia, the collateral negotiations with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, the disagreements within the Nixon and Ford administrations, the details of all negotiations in which he was involved, the domestic unrest and protest in the States, and the day-to-day military to diplomatic realities of the war as it reached the White House.

As compelling and exciting as Barbara Tuchman's The Guns of August, Ending the Vietnam War also reveals insights about the bigger-than-life personalities—Johnson, Nixon, de Gaulle, Ho Chi Minh, Brezhnev—who were caught up in a war that forever changed international relations. This is history on a grand scale, and a book of overwhelming importance to the public record.

Je kunt wel generaliserende aannames doen, maar zelf vind ik het nog altijd zinvoller om te horen wat mensen zelf te zeggen hebben", aldus journalist en wetenschapper Nikki Sterkenburg. Ze heeft altijd al een fascinatie gehad voor ontoegankelijke werelden, of het nu om die van bankiers, accountants ("ook die hebben het nodige te verbergen"), jihadisten of radicaal- en extreemrechtse activisten gaat. Sterkenburg wil weten wie zij zijn, wat hen beweegt en hoe ze te werk gaan. Zeker nu ze niet langer makkelijk te herkennen zijn aan een swastika op de arm, maar juist hun activisme combineren met een baan en een rijk sociaal leven buiten de beweging. 00Drie jaar lang volgt ze ruim veertig radicaal- en extreemrechtse activisten. Van nazi's met wehrmachthelmen in de keuken tot de moskeebezetters van Identitair Verzet en de oprichters van Erkenbrand. Ze bezoekt demonstraties, besloten bijeenkomsten en borrels en interviewt mensen thuis. 0'Maar dat mag je niet zeggen' is een beklemmend verslag waarbij je wordt geconfronteerd met de enge, radicale vooroordelen van anderen, maar ook met die van jezelf. 00.

Wie had gedacht dat het beschamende einde van de LPF definitief een einde zou maken aan het bozige Nederlandse populisme, kwam bedrogen uit. Zowel Rita Verdonk als Geert Wilders heeft gedemonstreerd dat het populistische kiezerspotentieel bepaald niet kleiner is geworden. Voor de objectieve waarnemer blijft dat een verbazingwekkende zaak, gezien de baarlijke nonsens die de populistische voorlieden meestal uitkramen. Rita Verdonk is ondertussen gestruikeld over haar eigen organisatorische onvermogen. Wilders heeft het stokje overgenomen en excelleert vooral in handig geformuleerde borreltafelpolitiek. De enorme attractie van deze politieke kermisgasten is dus verrassend stabiel. Hoofdoorzaak lijkt toch wel de bangmakerij voor de niet-bestaande 'islamisering' van Nederland, en de rest van Europa. Er is echter meer aan de hand. De populistische partijen zijn brede protestpartijen. Een aanzienlijk deel van het electoraat ziet de overheid, het politieke systeem en de maatschappelijke elite kennelijk als de vijand. De vraag is hoe dat komt.

Een pleidooi voor meer empathie in de politiek

The 1960s and ’70s were a time of dramatic upheaval in American universities as a new generation of scholar-activists rejected traditional humanism in favor of a radical ideology that denied esthetic merit and objective truth. In The Victims’ Revolution, critic and scholar Bruce Bawer provides the first true history of this radical movement and a sweeping assessment of its intellectual and cultural fruits.

Once, Bawer argues, the purpose of higher education had been to introduce students to the legacy of Western civilization—“the best that has been thought and said.” The new generation of radical educators sought instead to unmask the West as the perpetrator of global injustice. Age-old values of goodness, truth, and beauty were disparaged as mere weapons in an ongoing struggle of the powerful against the powerless. Shifting the focus of the humanities to the purported victims of Western colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism, the new politicized approach to the humanities gave rise to a series of identity-based programs, including Women’s Studies, Black Studies, Queer Studies, and Chicano Studies. As a result, the serious and objective study of human civilization and culture was replaced by “theoretical” approaches emphasizing group identity, victimhood, and lockstep “progressive” politics.

Twenty-five years ago, Allan Bloom warned against the corruption of the humanities in The Closing of the American Mind. Bawer’s book presents compelling evidence that Bloom and other conservative critics were right to be alarmed. The Victims’ Revolution describes how the new identity-based disciplines came into being, examines their major proponents and texts, and trenchantly critiques their underlying premises. Bawer concludes that the influence of these programs has impoverished our thought, confused our politics, and filled the minds of their impressionable students with politically correct mush. Bawer’s book is must-reading for all those concerned not only about the declining quality of American higher education, but also about the fate of our society at large.

In maar acht maanden tijd werd hij de meest opzienbarende verschijning die Het Binnenhof ooit had gezien. Tot die zesde mei, iets na zessen... De moordaanslag op Pim Fortuyn schokte Nederland, Europa en zelfs een deel van de wereld. Na het geweld van 11 september 2001, ging er opnieuw een schok door de ziel van eenieder die prijsstelt op vrijheid en democratie. Het Nederland van na 6 mei, is anders dan dat van daarvoor en zal altijd een ander blijven. De aanslag op 'professor Pim', werd in de hardste bewoordingen veroordeeld. De dader gepakt. Maar wat hebben de kogels van Volkert van der G. nog meer veroorzaakt dan de dood van Pim Fortuyn? Dat zal de komende jaren pas blijken, als Nederland ook antwoord heeft op de vraag hoe de gedreven politicus zósnel, zó veel indruk kon maken op miljoenen Nederlanders. In dit actuele boek, schetst journalist Evert Santegoeds een eerste beeld van het geschokte Nederland na de aanslag en krijgt de lezer uit de mond van intieme bronnen naast Pim, antwoord op prangende vragen: wie voorspelde de aanslag? hoe kon het in godsnaam zover komen? hoe had de eerste politieke aanslag sinds 1672, eenvoudig voorkomen kunnen worden? Een compleet portret van Pim Fortuyn

A Moment of Anguish captures the dramatic events leading to the historic separation of Singapore from Malaysia. This book is based on research material drawn from the archives in Singapore. Britain, Australia and the United States. It goes beyond other studies to unravel the hidden story behind this traumatic and controversial episode in Singapore's recent history. Unpublished sources have been put together to recreate key events which bring out the tensions and conflicts of the period - the "snap" election in Singapore in 1963, the controversial participation of the PAP in the Federal elections of 1964, the two race riots in Singapore in 1964, the formation of the Malaysian Solidarity Convention and the secret negotiations for disengagement. Written in an engaging style, the book also offers new insights into the principal personalities of the period and the circumstances under which painful and fateful decisions were made.

Born and raised on a small Canadian farm, Galbraith began teaching at Harvard during the Depression. He was FDR"s "price czar" during the war and then a senior editor of Fortune before returning to Harvard and to fame as a bestselling writer. Parker shows how, from his early championing of Keynes to his acerbic analysis of America"s "private wealth and public squalor," Galbraith regularly challenged prevailing theories and policies. And his account of Galbraith"s remarkable friendship with John F. Kennedy, whom he served as a close advisor while ambassador to India, is especially relevant for its analysis of the intense, dynamic debates that economists and politicians can have over how America should manage its wealth and power. This masterful chronicle gives color, depth, and meaning to the record of an extraordinary life.

Hoe ook de Sovjetunie zich in maatschappelijk en politiek opzicht de komende tijd verder zal ontwikkelen, het staat vast dat zich in de jaren 1982 to 1987 een aantal beslissende veranderingen hebben voltrokken. Het zijn deze jaren vanaf de begrafenis van Brezjnev tot de doorbraak van de nieuwe politiek van Gorbatsjov, die NRC Handelsblad-correspondent Raymond van den Boogaard in Moskou heeft doorgebracht. De bundel Moskou aan zee, die hij uit zijn observaties en uiteenzettingen van de afgelopen jaren samenstelde, geeft enerzijds inzicht in de aard van deze veranderingen. Anderzijds hebben deze ontwikkelingen hem ook duidelijk gemaakt wat nu juist de onveranderlijke karakteristieken an de Russische samenleving zijn.

In De Braziliaanse affaire reconstructeert Evaldo Cabral de Mello het diplomatieke spel rondom de Vrede van Münster (1648) tussen de Republiek der Zeven Verenigde Provinciën en Portugal, met als medespelers Spanje, Frankrijk en Engeland, en als inzet de rijkdommen van Brazilië.
In 1630 veroverde de West-Indische Compagnie het suikerrijke Recife. Onder Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen leek de kolonie een stevige bezitting, maar na zijn vertrek in 1644 ging het bergafwaarts. In 1640 werd Portugal onafhankelijk van Spanje en begon het onderhandelen met de Republiek. Na de verdrijving van de Nederlanders in 1654 duurden de onderhandelingen tot 1661, toen Portugal zwaar moest betalen voor de Nederlandse aanspraken op de kolonie.
Evaldo Cabral de Mello is een gerenommeerd historicus en auteur, en zijn studie toont aan dat internationale politiek in de 17e eeuw vooral draaide om eigenbelang.

Imagine waking up one day to find that virtually everything you do has become a paid for experience. It is part of a fundamental change taking place in the nature of business, contends Jeremy Ritkin. After several hundred years as the organising principles of civilisation, the traditional market systems is beginning to break down. On the horizon looms the age of access, where we trade experiences instead of objects.

China, the world's oldest and most populous state, remains an enigma to most people in the West, even at a time when that country is playing an increasingly prominent role on the international stage. At the heart of modern Chinese history have been the efforts of the Chinese people to transform their polity into a modern nation state, the Confucian orthodoxy into an ideology that can help direct that process, and an agrarian economy into an industrial one. These efforts are ongoing and of great importance.

This book is both an introduction to the major features of modern Chinese history and a resource for researchers interested in virtually any topic relating to the Chinese experience of the last 220 years. This valuable reference contains:

- a historical narrative providing a comprehensive overview of five core aspects of Chinese history: domestic politics, society, the economy, the world of culture and thought, and relations with the outside world;

- a compendium of 250 short, descriptive articles on key figures, events, and terms;

- a resource guide containing approximately 500 annotated entries for the most authoritative sources for further research in English, as well as descriptions of important films depicting modern China and a guide to electronic resources; and

- appendices, including a chronology, excerpts from key primary source documents, and a wealth of tables and graphs on demographic, social, and economic trends.

Luxe uitgave van De genocidefax - vlammend essay over opstaan tegen groepsdruk, onmogelijke individuele keuzes en diepe gewetenswonden

'Vanaf jonge leeftijd zoeken mensen aansluiting bij een collectief - een gezin, (sub)cultuur of gemeenschap - en willen erin opgenomen worden, ook als dat betekent: zwijgend toekijken of actief bijdragen aan uitsluiting en wanpraktijken.'

In haar ijzersterke essay De genocidefax laat Roxane van Iperen zien dat we altijd op zoek zijn naar bevestiging en aansluiting bij een groep, ook als dat betekent: liegen, zwijgen of wegkijken. In helder proza laat ze de voorgeschiedenis van de Rwandese genocide in 1994 zien, en hoe er toen niet werd ingegrepen. Naadloos trekt ze de lijn van haar betoog door naar het heden, naar ons, naar Nederland. Want bovenal is het een essay over ieder individu, en over de gecompliceerde keuze tussen je conformeren aan de groep of je uitspreken over onacceptabel gedrag, met elk risico van dien.

An assessment of how the United States dominant position may be effectively reconciled with the urgent need, in the 21st century, to achieve a new world order. Kissinger examines America's present and future relations with Russia, China, Europe, the Middle East, and other areas in the world. He covers areas such as globilization, military intervention, free trade and the eroding of the planet's natural environment.

Informele gesprekken tussen twee senior-journalisten (NRC) over Nederland in de Koude Oorlog, de dekolonisatie en Europese eenwording.

Donald Trump s catastrophic final year

Grunberg reist naar Georgie, Oekraine en Polen en onderzoekt hoe het vluchtelingen vergaat

Begin dit jaar verscheen "Bloemen van het kwaad", een door Paul Damen verzorgde, meer dan 500 pagina's tellende bundeling van gedichten door 33 dictators, met telkens een toelichting en een korte biografie. Mao, Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, allemaal schreven ze gedichten. Te vaak vroegen lezers: moet Geert Wilders er niet bij, als dictator in de dop? Als definitief antwoord daarop nu, van dezelfde auteur, de bijlage "Gedachten over de Grote Geert", waarom Wilders wel of niet een dichtende dictator is.

Over de opkomst en heerschappij van Vladimir Poetin

Argo by Antonio Mendez and Matt Baglio - the declassified CIA story behind the Oscar-winning film

WINNER OF BEST PICTURE AT THE ACADEMY AWARDS, THE BAFTAS AND THE GOLDEN GLOBES

Tehran, November 1979. Militant students stormed the American embassy and held sixty Americans captive for a gruelling 444 days. But until now the CIA has never revealed the twist to the Iran Hostage Crisis: six Americans escaped.

The escape plot was run by Antonio Mendez, head of the CIA's extraction team and a master of disguise. Mendez came up with an idea so daring and potentially foolish that it seemed destined for Hollywood... and indeed it was. He invented a fake sci-fi film called 'Argo' (from the actual name of the CIA mission, a reference to Jason and the Argonauts). After announcing the production to the movie industry, Mendez put together a team of real 1970s Hollywood actors, directors and producers - along with covert CIA officers. They would travel to revolutionary Iran under a foreign film visa, and while 'scouting locations' throughout the country they would track down the six Americans who were hiding out. After giving them false identities as part of the film crew, they would spirit them back across the border.

One part 'Ocean's 11' and another part 'Black Hawk Down', Mendez's mind-bogglingly complicated and risky gamble paid off: each escapee was extracted without a shot being fired. Mendez is considered one of the greatest officers in CIA history. The story of this, his greatest mission, has never been told.

Now an acclaimed film directed by and starring Ben Affleck, with Bryan Cranston, Alan Arkin and John Goodman'

Antonio Mendez was cited by Richard Clarke as one of the top two or three CIA agents in history. He received the CIA's Intelligence Medal of Merit, the Trailblazer Medallion and the Intelligence Star - for his rescue of six Americans from revolutionary Iran. He and his wife, also a famed agent, were technical consultants on the television series 'The Agency' and founding board members of the International Spy Museum in Washington.

Matt Baglio is the author of the New York Times bestseller The Rite: The Making of a Modern Exorcist. His writing appears regularly in the Daily Mail and the Associated Press.

Based on Nixon s overlooked recordings, New York Times bestselling author John W. Dean connects the dots between what we ve come to believe about Watergate and what actually happened
Watergate forever changed American politics, and in light of the revelations about the NSA s widespread surveillance program, the scandal has taken on new significance. Yet remarkably, four decades after Nixon was forced to resign, no one has told the full story of his involvement in Watergate.
In The Nixon Defense, former White House Counsel John W. Dean, one of the last major surviving figures of Watergate, draws on his own transcripts of almost a thousand conversations, a wealth of Nixon s secretly recorded information, and more than 150,000 pages of documents in the National Archives and the Nixon Library to provide the definitive answer to the question: What did President
Nixon know and when did he know it?
Through narrative and contemporaneous dialogue, Dean connects dots that have never been connected, including revealing how and why the Watergate break-in occurred, what was on the mysterious 18 1/2 minute gap in Nixon s recorded conversations, and more.
In what will stand as the most authoritative account of one of America s worst political scandals, The Nixon Defense shows how the disastrous mistakes of Watergate could have been avoided and offers a cautionary tale for our own time."