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    Hot, Flat, and Crowded

    Hot, Flat, and Crowded

    Engelstalige uitgave, gebonden met omslag, 

    From the Publisher: Thomas L. Friedman's No. 1 bestseller The World Is Flat has helped millions of readers to see the world, and globalization, in a new way. With his latest book, Friedman brings a fresh and provocative outlook to another pressing issue: the interlinked crises of destabilizing climate change and rising competition for energy-both of which could poison our world if we do not act quickly and collectively. His argument speaks to the 2008 presidential election-and to all of us who are concerned about the state of America and its role in the global future. "Green is the new red, white, and blue," Friedman declares, and proposes that an ambitious national strategy-which he calls geo-greenism-is not only what we need to save the planet from overheating, it is what we need to make America healthier, richer, more innovative, more productive, and more secure in the coming E C E-the Energy-Climate Era. Green-oriented practices and technologies, established at scale everywhere from Washington to Wal-Mart, are both the only way to mitigate climate change and the best way for America to "get its groove back"-to "reknit America at home, reconnect America abroad, retool America for the new century, and restore America to its natural place in the global order." As in The World Is Flat and his previous bestseller The Lexus and the Olive Tree, he explains the future we are facing through an illuminating account of recent events. He explains how 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, and the flattening of the world by the Internet, which has brought three billion new consumers onto the world stage, have combined to bring the climate and energy issues to main street. But they have not really gone down main street yet. Indeed, it is Friedman's view that we are not really having the green revolution that the press keeps touting, or, if we are, "it is the only revolution in history," he says, "where no one got hurt." No, to the contrary, argues Friedman, we're actually having a "green party." We have not even begun to be serious yet about the speed and scale of change that is required. With all that in mind, Friedman lays out his argument that if we are going to avoid the worst disruptions looming before us as we enter the Energy-Climate Era, we are going to need several disruptive breakthroughs in the clean-technology sphere-disruptive in the transformational sense. He explores what enabled the disruptive breakthroughs that created the IT (Information Technology) revolution that flattened the world in information terms and then shows how a similar set of disruptive breakthroughs could spark the ET-Energy Technology-revolution. Time and again, though, Friedman shows why it is both necessary and desirous for America to lead this revolution-with the first green president, a green New Deal, and spurred by the Greenest Generation-and why meeting the green challenge of the twenty-first century could transform America every bit as meeting the Red challenge, that of Communism, did in the twentieth century. Hot, Flat, and Crowded is classic Thomas L Friedman-fearless, incisive, forward-looking, and rich in surprising common sense about the world we live in today.

    Thomas L. Friedman ;

    € 8,50

    The End of Iraq

    The End of Iraq

    Engelstalige uitgave, gebonden met omslag, als nieuw

    The End of Iraq, definitive, tough-minded, clear-eyed, describes America's failed strategy toward that country and what must be done now. The United States invaded Iraq with grand ambitions to bring it democracy and thereby transform the Middle East. Instead, Iraq has disintegrated into three constituent components: a pro-western Kurdistan in the north, an Iran-dominated Shiite entity in the south, and a chaotic Sunni Arab region in the center. The country is plagued by insurgency and is in the opening phases of a potentially catastrophic civil war. George W. Bush broke up Iraq when he ordered its invasion in 2003. The United States not only removed Saddam Hussein, it also smashed and later dissolved the institutions by which Iraq's Sunni Arab minority ruled the country: its army, its security services, and the Baath Party. With these institutions gone and irreplaceable, the basis of an Iraqi state has disappeared. The End of Iraq describes the administration's strategic miscalculations behind the war as well as the blunders of the American occupation. There was the failure to understand the intensity of the ethnic and religious divisions in Iraq. This was followed by incoherent and inconsistent strategies for governing, the failure to spend money for reconstruction, the misguided effort to create a national army and police, and then the turning over of the country's management to Republican political loyalists rather than qualified professionals. As a matter of morality, Galbraith writes, the Kurds of Iraq are no less entitled to independence than are Lithuanians, Croatians, orPalestinians. And if the country's majority Shiites want to run their own affairs, or even have their own state, on what democratic principle should they be denied? If the price of a unified Iraq is another dictatorship, Galbraith writes in The End of Iraq, it is too high a price to pay. The United States must focus now, not on preserving or forging a unified Iraq, but on avoiding a spreading and increasingly dangerous and deadly civil war. It must accept the reality of Iraq's breakup and work with Iraq's Shiites, Kurds, and Sunni Arabs to strengthen the already semi-independent regions. If they are properly constituted, these regions can provide security, though not all will be democratic. There is no easy exit from Iraq for America. We have to relinquish our present strategy -- trying to build national institutions when there is in fact no nation. That effort is doomed, Galbraith argues, and it will only leave the United States with an open-ended commitment in circumstances of uncontrollable turmoil. Peter Galbraith has been in Iraq many times over the last twenty-one years during historic turning points for the country: the Iran-Iraq War, the Kurdish genocide, the 1991 uprising, the immediate aftermath of the 2003 war, and the writing of Iraq's constitutions. In The End of Iraq, he offers many firsthand observations of the men who are now Iraq's leaders. He draws on his nearly two decades of involvement in Iraq policy working for the U.S. government to appraise what has occurred and what will happen. The End of Iraq is the definitive account of this war and itsramifications.

    Peter W. Galbraith ;

    € 12,50

    Hypocrites and Half-Wits

    Hypocrites and Half-Wits

    Engels. Gebonden met omslag, als nieuw

    Each day, Donald Boudreaux, professor of economics at George Mason University, writes a letter to the editor of a major American publication. Often, he writes in response to an absurdity offered up by a columnist or politician, or an eye-catching factoid misleadingly taken out of context. This collection, comprised of one hundred of Boudreaux's best letters, provides intelligent, witty rejoinders to questions like these:

    - Are taxes "really just prices"? (New York Times)
    - Does the Tea Party suffer from a "fatuous infatuation" with the Constitution? (Washington Post)
    - Is it "obvious" that "if there are fewer guns, there are fewer shootings and fewer funerals" (New Orleans Times-Picayune)
    - Has "slowing population growth" proven to be "critical to long-term economic growth"? (Wall Street Journal)

    Without swearing allegiance to any party or ideology, Boudreaux takes aim at pundits and politicos on the left, right, and everywhere between. He tackles issues ranging from "lookism" in the office and the futility of border walls to naive faith in alternative energy and the all-too-common tendency to trust a fallible and ever-expanding government.

    Half-truths and Hypocrites won't change the deeply held convictions of readers. But it will entertain them, enlighten them, and sharpen their eye for shaky facts, faulty reasoning, and intellectual dishonesty--all of which are threats to a free, prosperous country.

    Donald J. Boudreaux ;

    € 18,50

    Joodse Kunstenaars,...

    Joodse Kunstenaars, Jewish Artists.

    A4 formaat hardcover uitgave in goede staat. Net exemplaar, rug licht verkleurd door de zon, geen naam voorin. Geillustreerd. Trefwoorden: Joden, Jodendom, Judaïca, Israel, Joodse kunstenaars. 

    Onderzoek naar het joodse aspect in het werk van 19 bekende joodse kunstenaars uit de 19e en 20e eeuw. Eeuwenlang weerhield het tweede van de tien geboden kunstenaars uit de Joodse gemeenschap ervan mensen af te beelden. En de enkeling die het toch deed, bleef anoniem. Net als de overige Joodse kunstenaars, die vooral religieuze attributen en boekrollen vervaardigden, in de anonimiteit, want het ging er vooral om God te eren. Bovendien was de maatschappelijke positie van Joden in de diaspora (afgezonderd en buitengesloten, vaak opgesloten in ghetto's) er niet naar bekend te worden buiten de eigen kring.


    Dankzij de Franse revolutie is hier verandering in gekomen. De Joden werden vrij, kregen gelijke rechten en begonnen deel te nemen in deel te nemen in de cultuur van de landen waar ze woonden. Verschillende toonaangevende kunstenaars zijn inmiddels uit hun midden opgestaan.

    Kunsthistorica Ruth le Febvre-Feld bespreekt in dit boek dat betrekkelijk nieuwe verschijnsel: de Joodse kunstenaar of architect, die bekend is en beroemd en deel uitmaakt van het culturele leven. Aan de orde komen grote namen als Chagall, Isra en Libeskind maar ook een aantal toonaangevende Isra sche kunstenaars, inclusief de Bauhaus-architecten van Tel Aviv en de bewoners van het kunstenaarsdorp Ein Hod.

    Ruth Le Febvre-Feld ;

    € 7,50
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